J.D. Haworth earned a bachelor’s degree cum laude, in speech communications and political science from North Carolina State University in 1980.  From 1981 to 1986 he was a sportscaster for the NBC affiliate in Greenville, South Carolina.  In 1987 he moved to Phoenix to become the sports anchor at the FOX affiliate in Phoenix, Arizona. Hayworth married his wife, Mary, in 1989. They reside in Scottsdale, Arizona and have three children. 

In 1994, Hayworth resigned his anchor job at FOX and challenged and defeated incumbent Democrat Karan English winning a seat in the House of Representatives from Arizona’s Fifth District. He won reelection five times thereafter but was narrowly defeated by Democrat Harry Mitchell in the 2006 elections.  Congressman Hayworth, who served on the coveted House Ways and Means Committee, among others, was known as one as one of the most conservative members of Congress, championing low taxes, tight border security, and a range of conservative social issues.  

Hayworth:
Thanks Barry.  Thank you.  Barry, thank you very much.  Thank you very much.  Barry Goldwater, Jr., thank you for that generous introduction and one with which I agree wholeheartedly.  By the way…It is so nice to be here at home.  Barry made mention of……the predicted high for today and it brings to mind the salutation of another broadcaster turned public servant, the late, great Governor Jack Williams, who would close out his broadcast every day with the admonition, “It’s a beautiful day in Arizona, leave us all enjoy it.”  And so we’ll take that admonition at the outset of this address rather than at its conclusion.

Hayworth:
Barry, I thank you for mentioning my partner in these endeavors.  Whatever success I’ve enjoyed in public life is due in large part to the work of my beloved wife.  And Mary……oft times in public seems to be the…the silent partner.  For purposes of full disclosure, I can tell you…she has a gift for demonstrative, persuasive speech.  So she’s not completely the silent partner, but she is a remarkable woman, a great lady.  And I’m honored…what was the term that John Adams used in letters to Abigail?  The opening salutation, “My dearest friend.”  I am honored that God blessed me with Mary Yancy Hayworth as my dearest friend.  As I look here at this assembly and so many friends, I know that…I run the risk of…sin by omission because so many of you have been so interested in campaigns.  So many of you have, yes, helped us in our endeavors over the years.  So many of you, if not helping us, have maintained an active interest in the political process and for that we are grateful, but with your indulgence, let me just mention a few people who join us…here today. I look to my left, but to the television camera’s right, to your right and I see here my friend Joe Simon.  Joe came with us…back during the primary campaign of 1994 and…there was no one more loyal, no one more dedicated, no one more hard working.  When there were problems in the office, constituent service, Joe Simon was there and Joe, I thank you for being here today with us.  I also look and see long time supporters Gene and Shirley Sage and my friend the Seabee, Ed Monascalco and his bride, Mattie.  And many of you who are friends.

Hayworth:
I would be remiss likewise, if I did not mention and thank my good friends Earl and Judy Eisenhower.  Early and vocal supporters of my political efforts and…Judy picking up the phone one day and calling and say, hey, we’ve got the Goldwater Lecture Series, would you come be a part of it and…it is a bit challenging in involuntary -- involuntary retirement toto deal with the transition…but to have this forum is one of the blessings and Judy, I think you for the phone call and think about the unique…the unique place that Judy Eisenhower occupies in Arizona and national history.  The capable assistant of Senator Barry Goldwater, married to one of the Eisenhowers, my friend Earl Eisenhower, who is here and I love to hear Earl talk of his uncle Dwight.  And in fact, Earl, I’m going to borrow one of your uncle Dwight’s maxims.  For those here hoping that we will engage in personalities and this will be some sort of political tell all, I hope you’re not disappointed.  It shant be that type of gathering today.  Instead we’re going to focus on…as the lecture is titled, representing Arizona in the Congress of the United States for 12 years.  Now, note I have offered a friendly amendment because if we chose to be technical about it, when I first went to Washington, I was honored to represent what was then known as the Sixth Congressional District of Arizona, an area in square mileage about the size of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania and…as it grew, an area that consisted of over one million constituents prior to the census of 2000 and that…uh…of course brought about re-districting and…uh…from that re-districting I then was honored to represent the 5th District, completely contained here within the environs of Maricopa County. 

Hayworth:
So, one of the changes we saw in the Congress of the United States, something that was unchanged, is the wit and wisdom of the man for whom this lecture series is named.  As Barry Jr. will attest, his dad offered sage advice to so many of us contemplating a run for public office.  I will never forget after winning the nomination of my party in 1994, the call came from the mountaintop and Senator Goldwater was gracious enough to give me the pleasure of his company for an hour and a half.  And…I will tell you, just the Senator and yours truly, there at Be-nun-i-kin, with that incredible view, speaking on politics.  I shant violate Ike’s admonition not to engage in personalities, but I don’t believe it’s too far afield to offer what might be considered historically politically incorrect dish for some of you who are here today.  As we had a nice chat about the practical challenges of running for federal office in the State of Arizona, uh…our visit was…uh…was concluding and the good Senator asked me, he said, “J.D. who are you running against anyway?”  And I mentioned the name of my worthy opponent, the incumbent.  And as…Barry Jr. and Judy will attest, the Senator had an all purpose sound effect when there was amazement or consternation and in this case, I believe it was the former instead of the ladder, for when I mentioned my opponent’s name, he went, “phffft, A girl?”   

Hayworth:
And I said, I said, “Yes sir, Senator.”  And…Senator Goldwater said, “Well, I’m sure not gonna stand in your way.  Now, where’s my checkbook?”  And so, Arizona’s favorite son picked up his checkbook and wrote a check for $100.00 to our campaign.  Oh how I wished I didn’t have to cash that check. 

Hayworth:
But federal regulations being what they are and the reality of the situation, we, of course, have the…the…Xerox facsimile of the check, but it was put to good use in what was a winning campaign.  I would likewise be remiss if I did not take a few minutes to remember another great Goldwater.  A man who served so capably in lending his name and efforts to this lecture series, the man who, if not father of his country, is remembered as father of the Phoenix Open with this golf like weather, the late great Bob Goldwater.  Mary and I, at the Senator’s passing, were…were pleased to join with many of you at the memorial service for Senator Goldwater and there we were, sitting – if memory serves, there was the President Pro Tem of the United States Senate, the man who eclipsed…Senator Hayden’s record, Strom Thurmond of South Carolina, the then majority leader of the United States Senate, Trent Lott of Mississippi, the Speaker of the House at that time, Newt Gingrich of Georgia…uh…my beloved bride and yours truly.  And…uh…the service was a wonderful celebration of Barry’s life and Senator Thurmond would utter from time to time, “It sho is touchin’.  Barry would sure enjoy this.” 

Hayworth:
And Trent, as…as the majority leader is wont to do with the President Pro Tem of the Senate, would say, “Yes, sir.  Yes, sir.”  But I think you, likewise, remember that some of the most poignant, heartfelt and humorous remarks came from our good friend Bob Goldwater.  What stands out in my mind with that wonderful laconic wit of Bob’s, was when he said, “You know, my brother Barry was talented in a lot of ways, but he wasn’t much of a speller.  Mom…Mom had us over there part of the time at the Episcopal church and we were playing basketball for the team there and Barry volunteered one day that we ought to put a big P on our basketball jerseys.  I said, ‘Barry, what on earth for?’ and he said, ‘C’mon Bob, you know, P for Piscopalian.’”

Hayworth:
It brings to mind another memory of that first campaign, given the geographical distance of what was then the great 6th District of Arizona, …I was finishing up a precinct walk in East Mesa and…uh…really a triumvirate of…grand leaders in our Grand Old Party in this state got together…my dear friend and mentor, John Rhodes -- and what an incredible house leader he was -- the aforementioned late great Jack Williams and our buddy Bob.  And…Governor Williams kept his broadcasting…uh…mentality, even in private life.  We were…it was monsoon season, I finished up and we were trying to beat feet up to the White Mountains, up to the Pinetop/Lakeside area for this get together and…I don’t want to say that any speed limits were violated, but …we get there intact; my campaign manager and I and there’s Governor Williams at the door pointing to his watch going, “Hayworth, five minutes late.”  And then there’s old brother Bob, saying, “Oh pipe down, Jack.  The booze won’t spoil.”

Hayworth:
There’s a far more serious vein of the contributions of Bob Goldwater.  And…I think they merit…one is tempted to go into the stories of the Phoenix Open and all the great things that happened at what is now the FBR Open and one of the premier events on the tour.  But, I think Bob Goldwater’s life reminds us of a lesson that I’m really taking to heart.  Public service is not always defined by public office.  My friend J.C. Watts said it when he chose to retire from the Congress of the United States…We are a Republic.  We shun titles and honorifics and yet titles really become descriptions of the Constitutional posts we hold.  My friend J.C. said this very eloquently and I think very practically…Those of us who leave Congress, rather by…rather -- whether it is by our own choice or finishing second in an election, those of us who leave the Congress of the United States trade the honorific or the title of Congressman for a far more honored description.  That of citizen.  When you think of our grand Republic and we try to encapsulate or capture the genius of our founders, perhaps it is best summed up in the three opening words to that poetic, and imminently practical, preamble…We the People.  Not we the government.  Not us the elite.  Not it the bureaucracy.  Not us the landed gentry, but we the people.  The story goes that a visitor to these shores from one of the European monarchies tried to get a handle on this experiment.  And he asked one of our founders, what was the biggest difference between this Republic and this New World and the monarchy of Europe that he called home and the response was this, “Here sir, the people govern.”  And following that practical and poetic preamble, Article One, Section One of our Constitution, “All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States.” 

Hayworth:
Historians tell us that when those great men got together for what Catherine Drinker Bowen came to describe in her seminal 1966 work, Miracle at Philadelphia, when they came together, in their inception of how our Constitutional Republic would operate, they actually thought that members of Congress would be held in higher esteem than any other governmental official, especially members of the House of Representatives.  Because in our initial inception of the Constitution, only one Constitutional office was directly accountable to the people by popular vote, a representative in the United States Congress.  And every two years, every two years, the people can make a change.  And that ensures that our government, the institution is eponymously named, it is representative and it is responsive to the changes that occur within the body politic.  That is a virtue.  It is not a fault.  And there is something else, as I can’t help but notice some of my dear friends and former colleagues in journalism join us today, I hope I haven’t buried the lead for them, but it is this observation, defeat, while disappointing, is neither final nor fatal.  While it would take an extraordinary set of circumstances to prompt me to ever again run for the House of Representatives, I am grateful for the 12 years of service to the people of Arizona and the opportunities and blessings that flowed from that remarkable experience.  One is tempted to offer a recitation and I…uh…given my reputation for verbosity that you’ve read about or perhaps experienced first hand, I…I don’t want to do that, but I thought it was important and I don’t stand here in criticism of any particular publication, I was surprised that when the editors of Roll Call, the newspaper of record on Capitol Hill, asked me to compose a document under the heading “What I’ve Learned” as a memoir, I was somewhat surprised that no local publication saw fit to pick it up, so taking advantage of our good friends at Channel 8 and the auspices of this gathering today, uh…let me offer these remarks to you because…this appeared now two months ago…December 7th I believe was the edition…of last year in Roll Call. 

Hayworth:
A Representative’s Reflections, 12 Years in the House.  The phone rang early the morning of November 9th, 1994, but not so early that I couldn’t pick it up on the first ring.  “Congratulations old buddy!”  said the voice on the other end.  “Your…do you realize you’re gonna do something I never did?  You’re going to preside over the House as Speaker Pro Tem.  You’re going to be part of a new majority!”  The voice belonged to John Rhodes, the man who had served Arizona and America so capably as House Minority Leader.  The man who had vented his frustrations over the Republican’s seemingly permanent minority status in his book, The Futile System.  And the man who had taken a chance and endorsed a political newcomer, known primarily as a television sportscaster in a crowded primary field.  That newcomer was now a Congressman Elect, seeking advice from his mentor.  “You and Mary need to take a couple of days to get away and rest.  But make sure you rest.  When Betty and I went to Las Vegas after our first win in ’52, we ended up making reservations with the stork!” 

Hayworth:
Nine months later, the new member of Congress had a new addition to the family.  True to forum, I followed the leader’s advice partially.  Mary and I got away to a nearby resort and stayed overnight.  The stork had paid us a visit 11 months earlier and we felt we needed to be home.  Besides, we were just too excited to rest.  Rest would remain in short supply for more than a decade of service in the House of Representatives.  Ours is now a commuter Congress.  We live at home on weekends and work in Washington most weekdays.  George F. Will has described those serving in the House as quote, modern day Willie Lomans, living out of their suitcases, end quote.  Certainly that long commute takes a toll on those of us who travel in weekly from the west, but I came to view airliners as school buses in the sky, getting me where I needed to be when I needed to be there.  That certainly was not the case when we flew back to Washington for freshman orientation.

Hayworth:
We left Phoenix on a Chamber of Commerce type of Sunday, sunny and warm, but the further east we flew, the cloudier the conditions.  We landed in Columbus, Ohio to catch a connecting flight into Washington National and took off into a gray curtain of clouds and drizzle.  About 20 minutes into the flight, the plane shook violently and there was a massive KAWOOM!!  “What was that?”  Mary asked.  “Uh…uh…lightning, I think.  I hope.”  I responded.  Thirty seconds later, the pilot talked to his passengers via the plane’s public address system, “Uh Folks…that wasn’t supposed to happen,” he said in a seemingly obligatory pilot’s drawl.  “It looks like we’ve been struck by lightning, even though radar indicates the closest storm cell is at least 50 miles from here.  Now we got a choice, we can turn around and go back to Columbus, but they’re up to their…armpits in airplanes, or we can go on to Washington.  Tell you what…let’s go on to Washington.”

Hayworth:
“It appears everything is okay.”  With two intact wings and more than one prayer, we continued our flight eastward.  When the flight landed in Washington, the pilot shook hands with each departing passenger, much like a pastor greeting his parishioners at the end of a Sunday sermon.  As Mary and I were leaving, I said, “Thanks for the ride, I think.”  The pilot didn’t hesitate.  “You haven’t even been sworn in yet!  And you’ve already started with a bang!” 

Hayworth:
That plane flight serves as a metaphor for my time in Congress.  These have been trying, turbulent times marked by historic events.  The first Republican majority in 40 years, the contested 2000 Presidential election, the dastardly attacks of 9/11 and now the election of a new Democrat majority.  Through it all, I have not only witnessed acts of incredible kindness, but also acts of extreme pettiness.  Actions of incredible foresight as well as actions of momentary expedience.  Decisions proven right and decisions proven wrong.  In short, the human condition has been on full and free display again proving the genius of our founders in naming the institution the House of Representatives.  John Quincy Adams, the only American to serve thus far first as President, then as a member of Congress, said it best:  There is no greater honor than serving in the people’s house.  Soon, that honor will be bestowed upon my successor.  To Congressman Elect Harry Mitchell and those who will join him in the 110th Congress, I offer every good wish for success.  To those with whom I have served during my six terms, I know I leave to the regret of some and the relief of many.  But most of all, to the people of Arizona who allowed me the chance to serve for 12 years, I say, “Thank you.” 

Hayworth:
Much has changed in those 12 years and the most notable changes for Mary and me have taken place in the people closest to us, our children.  Our eldest, Nicole, who was about to turn 18 the day I was sworn in will soon turn 30.  Our youngest, John Micah, who was 13 months old and who I held in my arms on that first day of the 104th Congress is now 13 years old.  And our middle child, Hannah, who was 4 is now 16.  When the outcome of this most recent election was in doubt, Hannah sent me this E-mail:  “To my Daddy, I love you no matter what.  I was raised around this.  I grew up in this world of politics.  I’m not quite sure how to leave.  I’m not quite sure if we even have to leave it yet, but just in case, I always love you, Daddy.  The race has been a tough one.  You fought hard.  It’s not over yet.  All the issues you’ve faced, all the lies you’ve been through, all those hard weeks in D.C.  If you leave, you will leave with your head raised up high.  You’ve been working hard for these past 12 years.  Only God knows if it will go to 14, but if it doesn’t, ha ha.  You’ll be home to bug me every week instead of being in D.C.  You’ll be able to come to my basketball games.  You’ll be here for more daddy-daughter events that you’ve had to miss over the years.  No more stupid events from 6:00 a.m. to 11:00 p.m.  Ha ha!  Maybe now, you’ll even get the chance to sleep.  Everything will be okay, Daddy.  But who knows, you still have a chance to win.  I love you.”  From John Rhodes phone call, to Hannah’s E-mail.  Much has taken place.  But there is something that I have learned. 

Hayworth:
Yes, serving in the House is an honor.  Yes, serving in the House is exciting.  Yes, serving in the House is important.  But the House is no one’s home.  Thank you for your time, I’d be willing to take your questions now.  Thank you very much. 

Hayworth:
My goodness!  Hello Tracy!  My…Our friend Tracy Thomas to lead off the questions.  Hi Tracy! 

Tracy Thomas:
J.D., as you know, we’ve been um…acquaintances for over 20 years, and…I was…reviewing the Contract with America and I wonder if you could explain to me and others who ask, what went awry with the fiscal responsibility, the 1500 earmarks or 15,000 earmarks and for many of us, we were terribly disappointed in the irresponsibility, fiscal irresponsibility by conservatives.

Hayworth:
Uh…Tracy’s question and, if our viewers can’t hear, is a common question from…many of my friends within my party and that is simply what went wrong in terms of fiscal policy?  Why the exponential explosion in earmarks?  Why the…the spending that we saw?  And again, following Ike’s admonition not to engage in personalities, let me take this from a policy perspective. …It has been said that there are really three parties on Capitol Hill, Republicans, Democrats and Appropriators.  Now understand that…though the Appropriations Committee is powerful, it in fact, was…was separated from the Ways and Means Committee.  The Ways and Means Committee is still the most powerful committee in Congress because as the Constitution states, all revenue bills, all taxation bills must originate in the House.  That is why you hear so much about the powerful Ways and Means Committee and for once our dear friends in the Senate, even on the important Finance Committee have to take a back seat, imagine how much more powerful Ways and Means would be if it were Ways and Means, but a schism developed given thepolarity engendered by Thaddeaus Stevens of Pennsylvania.  He was given the first chairmanship of the Appropriations Committee and though we tried to change many funding formula…formulae, I guess is the correct…I’m not a Latin student, but I guess that would be the plural, wouldn’t it?  Though we tried to change many a funding formula -- that corrects the syntax a bit – we could not overcome some of the institutional inertia.  What do I mean?  Well, let’s take a look. 

Hayworth:
You may recall……I believe in my second term, John Kasich was still chairman of the Budget Committee.  We wanted to change, and many of us in the Arizona delegation along with Brother Kasich, wanted to change the…the funding mechanisms for transportation projects.  We were unsuccessful.  One of the lasting lessons that my dear friend John Rhodes taught me, is this one:  “Old buddy, politics is the art of the possible.”  And when I could not change that structurally, I was not going to turn a blind eye nor a deaf ear to legitimate infrastructure concerns within this fast growing state.  That does not mean I indulged in pork.  What we would do, and indeed, I voted for every budgetary reform offered by my friend Jeff Flake in the last Congress, characterizations in the Wall Street Journal and other publications notwithstanding, mischaracterizations, I should say, the fact is that every bit of transportation spending in Arizona was enacted in the light of day as part of regular order in the budget process. 

Hayworth:
Now a side note here, just to peel back the curtain a little bit so you don’t get caught up in all the legislative lexicon.  Two different types of committees on Capitol Hill.  One is the authorizing committee.  The other is the appropriating committee.  How to break it down to every day life?  Something like this.  The committee of authorization is the committee that makes out the grocery list, makes out the shopping list.  It says, okay, we believe it’s in the interest of the people in the country we authorize these projects within our jurisdiction.  The appropriators, their the shoppers.  They’re the guys who actually decide how to spend the money.  How many times has it happened to you, you have your kids at the grocery store…isn’t this always the case?  And, you know, masters of merchandising, you’re going through the line and they put the candy and the stuff right there at about a kid’s eye view.  Or perhaps in a more innocuous sense, you go, oh gee!  I need some batteries.  I didn’t put that on the list. 

Hayworth:
What happens from time to time and what was abused by members of both parties and part of the institutional inertia was that appropriators were going, oh, we could never pass this in the light of day.  We’ll just get this done in conference between the House and the Senate.  And again, you can check the roster…the senior senator from West Virginia, um…the senior senator from Alaska, so it is bipartisan, have decided to make their imprint in their states and nationally as…barons of the appropriations process in the Senate.  And likewise, there are those in the House who enjoy that reputation and, yes, that power.  And what happened was that that culture of spending took over.  Now something else and you mentioned the Contract with America, and it’s something we need to point out.  Recall one of our major initiatives that we passed and that was in fact signed into law was what?  A line item veto for the President of the United States.  Remember what President Reagan would say?  “Would you please give me the tool that 43 of the nation’s governors enjoy?  A line item so I can go through this budget and trim the fat?”  We gave that authority to a Democratic President. 

Hayworth:
But the courts said our line item veto was unconstitutional.  Uh…I was working with one of my fellow Ways and Means members, Paul Ryan of Wisconsin, to draft a Constitutional…uh…line item veto authority for the President, but we should also point this out, and…I think our current President is a good man and when I agree with him, he has no more steadfast ally and when I disagree with him, he knows about it and maybe we can get into that here in a second.  But…institutionally, the President’s failure to veto a single solitary appropriations bill did not provide the effective push-back or counter balance to the culture of spending.  Now, the reality of the situation is you can almost say it’s like a…you know, the criminal that wants to be caught.  Stop me before I do this again! 

Hayworth:
But again, in our Constitutional Republic, with the three separate and co-equal branches of government, the President does have that veto pen and it’s worth noting that President…Bush…has vetoed…now, if memory serves, I believe only one piece of legislation and I think he failed to use that as an effective tool.  Uh…As we…as we saw and remembered about our friend Gerald Ford, whose…uh…passing we likewise mourned, was the fact that as a man of the House, as the former House Minority Leader prior to John Rhodes’ ascension to that important post, then as President of the United States more importantly understanding the House and understanding the legislative branch, President Ford was fearless when it came to wielding his veto pen.  And if I’m not mistaken, set a record both for vetos and then having the Congress sustain his vetos.  In a situation where our party, at the time, was distinctly in the minority.  So it will be interesting for historians as they look back…uh…to an activist presidency in a limited time for Gerald Ford, I would argue, based on his knowledge of…of the legislative process in the House.  And sadly that…that has not come with this president.  Uh…Yes sir?

Audience member:
A question on the Senate and your description of the We the People governing…many of us have the feeling that it is not working with the Senate.  That this is an insider’s club incestuous kind of career politicians to a great extent doing things to benefit their careers and not really letting the people govern through them.  How do you see it?

Hayworth:
The question has to do with the United States Senate.  And the Senate as an institution…and these are not the words of…of the questioner, but I…I think it doesn’t…doesn’t get far afield from the…the notion…the notion of your question.  One of the things I first remember hearing about the United States Senate as a…as a young elementary school student was it was given…the nickname the world’s most exclusive club, because there are only 100 members and at times, it stands on ritual…Let’s recall the evolution of the United States Senate.  In the original inception of the Constitution, Senators were not elected by popular vote.  They were elected by the votes of legislators in the respective state legislatures.  So the famous Lincoln Douglas debates of 1860, were really debates where each candidate would ask the citizens, now write your legislator and tell them to vote Lincoln or Douglas.  It was not a direct vote.

Hayworth:
For better or worse and I won’t argue this question, perhaps it’s…it will be and interesting debate…uh…in later days…uh…for the Goldwater Lecture Series, there are two Amendments to the United States Constitution that profoundly changed the nature of our federal government early in the twenty…early in the 20th Century.  The first was ratification of the 16th Amendment to the Constitution, which allowed for the direct taxation of personal income, but followed close behind was the 17th Amendment to the Constitution that allowed for the popular election of Senators.  And that profoundly changed the balance of power.  Because what happened to United States sen…uh…Senators, instead of being solicitous of their constituents, that is to say, members of the state legislature, when you change that and have a six year term, it invites…um…and perhaps even more so now when we have this information overload, it… invites a type of collective amnesia.  To wit, …early on, again with the Contract With America, …we moved forward with a balanced budget amendment to the Constitution, something else that would have played a key role in restraining spending.  Bob Toracelli, now a former senator from New Jersey, campaigned on a balanced budget amendment.  Tom Daschle, former senator from South Dakota, campaigned on a balanced budge amendment, but especially in the case of Toracelli, since he had just been re-elected in ’94, he cast a vote against the balanced budget amendment involving political calculus.  Quite frankly, that his constituents would forget about that six years later.  And so, that has changed somewhat. 

Hayworth:
Now, please don’t misunderstand.  This is not to be disparaging of a lot of great and good work in the United States Senate.  Indeed, our favorite son and the man for whom this lecture series is named, if there was any one bicameral act that led to the – dare we use the term re-invention?  I believe so, the re-invention of our military and a dimunition in interservice rivalries, it was the Goldwater Nichols Act.  For our good friend Barry said, “We have to base our decisions on weaponry and resource allocations, not on interservice squabbles, but on the cold hard facts.  And when Senator Goldwater helped change that along with Congressman Nichols in the other chamber, that paved the way for meaningful reform of the military.  But we do live in an imperfect world and…at times, some peculiarities of every institution can gum up the works, if you will. 

Hayworth:
Couple…couple of other notes.  For those who are concerned about what we call gridlock, about what is easily maligned as inefficiency, it was another…advisor to Ike and to our good friend John Rhodes, Brice Harlow, he used to say this, “Understand, we designed our system this way.”  Three separate and co-equal branches of government and governing is hard work!  Indeed, people take a look now and say, well, wait a minute!  You gave – and that’s part of the discontent that grew within the body politic prior to the last election – well, gosh!  Wait a minute, Republicans have the White House, they have the House, they have the Senate, you gotta get things done.  Well, even with numerical majorities, it remains a real challenge.  Perhaps the best…the best definition of the Senate comes from the…the title of the book offered by our friend, the aforementioned, …former majority leader for Mississippi, Trent Lott, who titled his book about life in the Senate, Herding Cats.  So it’s a real challenge.

Audience member:
Uh…I just recently finished reading [inaudible] recalling in their [inaudible] in World War I and World War II, we sold war bonds to finance the war, and somewhere along the line we stopped doing that.  Could you tell me [inaudible]?

Hayworth:
The…the question has to do with…being on a war footing.  As we go back to the…the conflicts…the major conflicts of the 20th Century, World Wars I and II, there was one staple of American life and that was the sale of war bonds.  Why now, when we are engaged in a struggle for our very survival, …are we not on a similar war footing?  And I must tell you, that is one of my concerns as well.  Because in the days following 9/11, …many of us and……indeed, some military planners, uh…speaking to the Administration, said really, we have to take a look at……forming a war time government, if you will.  We have to take a look …at a non-partisan approach to many of these jobs because we don’t fight these wars as Republicans or Democrats.  We fight them as Americans and…it…it remains as one of the great mysteries and disappointments to me as why we have – and again I…forty years ago, in the Vietnam conflict, you head a lot of talk about guns and butter.  And now we’re seeing that whole argument about…about this…this economic boom in the midst of wartime.  But I think psychologically and many…I think about my friend who likewise was involuntarily retired this last campaign…Congressman Sweeney of New York.  He fashioned a bill that I thought had a great idea to get back in the business of war bonds to really help reinforce what’s going on.

Hayworth:
Now, there are those…and…you know, the joke about economists, you could lay them end to end and still never reach a conclusion…but…but perhaps the mindset of the people and the economy and the national psyche was such that…that there was a concern about driving people into full fledged panic.  You may remember in the months following 9/11, there actually was an ad campaign about calm down, it’s going to be okay.  Well, what has happened is the paradox of living in the information age, we are so overloaded with information that at times we become benumbed and now almost a half decade later, it appears that some, both in and out of government, have forgotten what transpired on that fateful day, the 11th of September, 2001.  And…and so, we moved from a…from an opportunity to…to move forward with a wartime cabinet, a wartime government – it doesn’t mean the elimination of partisanship, but a recognition that in conflict, we confront it as Americans, rather than as Republicans and Democrats.  And please don’t misunderstand.  I’m all for having a full and vigorous debate.  Indeed, in my farewell speech in the House, I said, “This is America’s living room.  This is where we come to settle issues and it is right.  And it is good and it is fitting and it is proper for different opinions and different beliefs strongly held to be given voice.”  But the underside of that is an atmosphere that, and it applies to both parties…I wish at times, that some of the zeal and the venom and the vitriol that is reserved for domestic political opponents, would instead that energy, that intellect, that creativity be turned against our enemies.

Hayworth:
In the broader context, another letter featuring Hannah, who we still think when Dr. Dobson issues his new copy of The Strong Willed Child, the adolescent version, we’ll get Hannah as the cover girl for that.  Anyway, we got a…got a letter the other day, and I’m sorry I didn’t bring it with me, but I’ll try to paraphrase it for you.  A neighbor who…um…is not a political supporter, but still a good neighbor, said, dear J.D., I been…I wanted to send you the…this story after the election, but never got around to it.  Let me boil it down for you.  It turns out she sees…she has two boys and they’ve been lectured about staying away from a busy thoroughfare.  This is when they’re elementary school students.  And…and...she’s asking the younger, where are you going?  He said, well my brother and Hannah, they’re out there right there at that busy intersection.  And so I’m gonna go back up there and help them.  She asked, well what…what are they doing?  And…he said, well, come see for yourself.  So she goes out there and there’s Hannah and this other young gentleman with a big American flag and a poster that reads, HONK IF YOU’RE AN AMERICAN.  And…smaller letters, donations accepted. 

Hayworth:
And to read my neighbor’s…uh…account of this, (laughs) she says, Man!  People were honking and there was a lot of money throwing out…a lot of people proud to be Americans.  I wrote her back and I said, “Thanks for…for your note.  And don’t worry, the parental statute of limitations has run out.  Hannah’s not going to be in trouble.”  But the larger truth from it is this…mindful and respecting differences of philosophies strongly held.  Can we step back from hyper-partisanship, especially in wartime?  Can the only gotcha we play not be gotcha between domestic political opponents, but the gotcha that’ll finally allow me to take off this ribbon that I’ve worn since 9/11.  I wear this every day in memory of those who have fallen.  And until we are ensured that Osama Bin Ladin’s earthly existence has been ended, that may not spell out victory, but that’s the kind of gotcha we should be about, as a people.  And it’s inherent in your question about war bonds and being on a war footing.  Yes sir?  One more.

Audience member:
Sir, we spend a lot of our energy trying to understand our own news media.  Tell us a little bit about Al Jazeera.  How is it directed?

Hayworth:
Al Jazeera, an Arab-based, Arab-financed…cable news network and…website, I believe, and…and perhaps others…can help me with this, if I’m not mistaken, I believe the financial interests…come from some of the Gulf States, the UAE, Quatar…some of the…some of the…dare we call them Petrol States, …which the United States looks for a lot of their energy, and this is indicative of…of a broader…um…a broader pressure, crosscurrent we have right now.  Because of our energy dependence and our lack of energy independence that President Nixon first identified when, gosh!  I was, like a high school sophomore, in what was known as the first energy crisis, because we have never dealt effectively with that problem, we still are beholden to the…the Gulf States and…Iran and countries that…don’t…don’t wish us well, quite frankly.  And so, …Al Jazeera comes out of that environment. …Taking a tip as any good propagandistic agency would, Al Jazeera has now opened an American branch and…you may recall at…where things got into a deep freeze again before they thawed, when uh…President Reagan’s vision of, “Here’s my strategy for the Cold War, we win, they lose.”  Before that came to fruition, you may recall in the early years of the…of the Reagan Administration, the way Ted Koppel would host Nightline, there would be a…a man there on behalf of the Soviets by the name of Vladimir Posner.  And remember how adept Vladimir Posner was?  The latest expression or idiom or slang that had been incorporated into the American vocabulary, he could use and he was such an effective television star that…that quite often Phil Donohue, back on his show, would have on Vladimir Posner and that was even before I knew that Phil’s politics might range in that direction.

Hayworth:
No!  Cheap joke.  I engaged in personalities here, but hopefully miles away.  Anyway…but that is what Al Jazeera attempts to do.  And indeed, one of the reasons that I took the House floor…the night before Thanksgiving break one year ago, you may recall that…that…the gentleman from Pennsylvania, Mr. Murtha, had put forward, then it was thought of as very breathtaking and radical, the notion that we immediately withdraw our forces…uh…from Iraq and he later argued that was not the case.  That’s not what he meant at all, but when I took to the House floor, I took the headlines from the Washington Post, and the New York Times and from the website of Al Jazeera and even stepping aside from partisan disagreements, even with the benefit of the doubt to have that be the message, I am so glad – again, it goes back to the dear lady with whom I started…uh…addressing my remarks today, my wife Mary, I called her that morning and I said, “I can’t believe what’s going on here.”  She said, “Honey, put it to a vote.”  That was great advice.  I took it to Speaker Hastert and said, “Let’s put this to a vote.”  And we put it to a vote and that night, uh…over 400 members of Congress uh…opposed that measure.  Only, I think…I think a handful, maybe three or five voted in favor of it and 8 abstained.

Hayworth:
But given the incremental nature and…and the frustrations that occur, uh…it’s gained more…more primacy now and more influence now.  That kind of…that kind of thinking.  But it is worth noting and it does not mean there is not a place for dissent, but just as the new cycle has changed to where we…we don’t have a 24 hour news cycle any longer, we have an hourly, really a quarter hourly, and…and given the information explosion, one can envision news on the nanosecond changing in what some would call a global village, the fact is, that those who are enemies of our country have studied us very well.  And they believe that a certain story line can come to predominate our outlooks.  It will be a…again, following the admonition of Mark Twain, history does not repeat itself, but it rhymes.  And any conflict in which the United States is engaged will not be lost by our men and women in uniform.  It will be lost by those in elective office who consider victory to be a dirty word and who lose the will to win.  One final note on this to give you some hope on this… 

Hayworth:
Thank you.  One final note and I know…I know the time – I’ve lived up to my reputation for verbosity, just one note to give you hope.  We are blessed with the greatest men and women serving this country.  I had occasion to be in Iraq and I was in Baghdad and Balad and Mosul and in Mosul, because they take members of Congress to something we can handle, uh…you know, chow call, …over at their chow hall.  I bumped into…to Munoz who grew up down in Greenlee County, but was going to school in Tempe and Mangano, who lived down in Tucson, although his mom moved up here and lived in our district and they said, “Hey Congressman, before you go, you gotta go see Adachai.”  So, I said, “Okay, that’ll be great.”  They said, “He’s not gonna come in for chow, he’s too busy.  He’s down in the motor pool.  He doesn’t break for lunch, but you gotta go see Adachai.”  They were referring to…to Sergeant Adachai, the grandson of former State Senator Jack Jackson, from the Navajo Nation.  And when I got down to the motor pool, there was Adachai and he was taking the scrap metal he could find and in the slang now, he was up-armoring the vehicles.  Now, this was before we were able to really figure out what was going on and now we build those things, in fact, I’m pleased that a lot of them come from the Fifth District of Arizona and we can retrofit our vehicles in less than three hours time to try and protect our people better, but what was Adachai doing?  He was down there with a welder’s mask and the welder’s torch and he was taking the scrap iron, the scrap metal and he was fashioning what came to be known in that part of Iraq as an Adachai Special.  And on the trucks, it might take him 2 or 3 days.  And on the smaller vehicles, it might take him…uh…a half a day.  But what Sergeant Adachai from the sovereign and remote Navajo Nation within the environs of Arizona typify was the can do spirit offered by generations of Seabees and the…the fruits of what a free people bring into battle.  Their dedication, their resourcefulness.  And I returned home from that trip again more convinced than ever, it will not be the American military in our all volunteer force who’ll let us down.  Instead, it will be those who respond to the bleatings of an uncertain trumpet.  Thank you all for your time.

Hayworth:
Thank you very much Jack.